- Who supports a constitutional amendment?
- Is a constitutional amendment really necessary?
- Isn’t a corporation an association of people? Why shouldn’t it have constitutional rights?
- Unions, nonprofits, and news organizations are corporations too. Won’t a constitutional amendment weaken their voice?
- Didn’t the Massachusetts state legislature already pass a resolution calling for a constitutional amendment?
- What is the point if the ballot question is non-binding?
- What is the process to pass a constitutional amendment?
- What did the Court decide in the Citizens United ruling? How did the Court arrive at Citizens United?
- What are independent expenditures? How are they different from contributions?
- What are SuperPACs?
- How has Citizens United affected political spending in elections?
- Who will be voting on the Democracy Amendment question?
- Aside from voting “YES,” how can I help and where can I get more information?
- 83% of Democrats, 73% of Republicans, and 81% of Independents opposeCitizens United.
- 7 states – Massachusetts, California, Hawaii, Maryland, New Mexico, Rhode Island, and Vermont – have called for Congress to propose a constitutional amendment. Over 300 US municipalities have passed resolutions in favor of an amendment, includingat least 70 in Massachusetts.
- 11 state attorneys general, led by Massachusetts’s Martha Coakley, have written to Congress urging the passage of an amendment.
- 22 state attorneys general urged the Court to uphold a Montana law challengingCitizens United.
- A dozen versions of an amendment have been introduced by US representatives and senators.
- 115+ citizens’ organizations support a constitutional amendment.
- More than 2 million people have signed petitions in support of an amendment.
Government by the people is increasingly under attack by big money in politics. Thanks to the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010), corporations can now spend unlimited amounts of money to influence our elections, adding to the increasing amounts spent by billionaires and other special interests. SuperPACs and other outside groups are on track to spend upwards of $1 billion to influence the 2012 elections—3 times more than in either 2008 or 2010. Candidates are positioned to raise and spend $7 billion more on top of that.
This avalanche of money means our elected representatives are increasingly beholden to the biggest donors rather than to the voters. That is no way to run a democracy.
To make matters worse, in Citizen United and other decisions, the Supreme Court has ruled that corporations are entitled to the constitutional rights of people. Using this assertion, the Court has struck down hundreds of local, state, and federal laws protecting our democracy, our health, and our safety.
For example: The Court overturned a law banning corporate funding of ballot question campaigns right here Massachusetts; ruled that the USDA cannot inspect any meat slaughter or packing facility without an appointment; nullified state laws requiring the food industry to disclose all of the ingredients in our foods; and often declares that advertising is “free speech,” preventing our communities from banning cigarette advertising near schools. But corporations are not people. They don’t die, work two jobs to make ends meet, or stand in harm’s way for the nation.
They certainly shouldn’t have more rights than we do, which is how the court’s ruling works in practice. The idea of corporate free speech would have been shocking to the Founders and it should be shocking to us!
Because Citizens United and other decisions are based on the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Constitution, only a constitutional amendment can undo them and ensure that government works for us—not just for corporations and wealthy interests that pay for political campaigns. A constitutional amendment will protect sensible campaign finance laws as well as safeguard laws that keep us safe and healthy.
A corporation is not an ordinary association of people; it is a government created structure for doing business, and it exists only by statute.
In 1819, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall described a corporation, as a “mere creature of law…possessing only those properties which the charter confers upon it.” Corporations are established by government and have some legal privileges well beyond those of a natural person—limited liability, perpetual life, and more. In his dissent to the majority opinion in Citizens UnitedJustice John Paul Stevens wrote that corporations “are not themselves members of ‘We the People’ by whom and for whom our Constitution was established.”
To claim that the Bill of Rights applies to “we the corporations” as well as “we the people” is contrary to its original intent and just plain wrong. The Framers were well aware of the dangers of wealthy interests taking over government. That is exactly why they chartered only a few corporations and strictly regulated them. In fact, the idea that corporations are entitled to constitutional rights is only a few decades old and is a product of a deliberate campaign to reverse government regulation. If corporations didn’t have these recent protections under the Bill of Rights, they would remain perfectly functional (and still very powerful). But they could no longer bulldoze public interest laws and overwhelm the checks and balances that make democracy work.
Absolutely not. Non-profit organizations could advocate for the rights of their members long before the courts gave corporations constitutional rights. The Supreme Court has recognized this repeatedly. For example, the Supreme Court in NAACP v. Alabama (1958) rejected the suggestion that the NAACP could assert constitutional rights independently of its members, but nonetheless concluded that the NAACP had standing to assert the constitutional rights of its members to strike down a state mandate to disclose its membership list.
If a constitutional amendment were passed, we would merely go back to this method of analyzing rights. For example, the government could not compel prayer in a private university because it would infringe the First Amendment rights of the faculty and students, not because it infringes the First Amendment rights of the incorporated university. Similarly, government seizure of Google servers containing confidential personal information would violate the Fourth Amendment rights of Google users, not the Fourth Amendment rights of the Google Corporation. The content of the Boston Globe would be protected, not because it is a corporation, but because of the “free press” clause in the First Amendment.
The view that protecting the rights of natural persons requires us to recognize independent constitutional rights of artificial persons is not only mistaken, but ultimately serves to dilute the rights of real persons. It does so by thwarting efforts by the people, through their elected representatives, to regulate corporate economic activity in order to protect the rights and interests of real people, not just in the area of campaign finance, but with respect to the environment, consumer protection, the health and safety of workers, and the integrity of our food supply.
In an overwhelming bipartisan victory, both chambers of the Massachusetts legislature passed resolutions calling on Congress for a constitutional amendment, by a voice vote in the House with no objections and in the Senate by a roll call vote of 35 to 1. In the Senate, all Republicans joined in approving the resolution. With these resolutions, the state legislature has made clear its support for a constitutional amendment as well as its negative opinion of Citizens United and the undue influence of money in politics.
This ballot question is an opportunity for the voters of Massachusetts to reinforce the state legislature’s action. Amending the Constitution is no easy task and we need the people of Massachusetts to voice their opinion directly as well as our elected officials to state theirs.
Unfortunately, our state laws require that advisory questions start with the phrase “shall the legislator from this district be instructed to…” If we could have instructed Congress directly, we would have worded the question that way.
Using ballot questions, “We the People” can send a strong message to Congress and other elected officials that we want a constitutional amendment. This is not a new idea. In fact, such instructions were the foundation for a few not-so-obscure documents: the Articles of Confederation, the U.S. Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. Even though instructions are not legally binding, they have historically carried great force.
Moreover, passing this question will raise awareness around the issue of big money in politics and corporate constitutional rights and build needed local, state, and national grassroots organization. Amending the Constitution requires broad nationwide support built from the ground up. A “YES” vote is a smart, effective way to help the long-term effort to rescue our democracy.
All 27 amendments to today’s US constitution were proposed by a 2/3 vote of both houses of Congress and then ratified by 3/4 of the state legislatures. Alternatively, amendments can be proposed and ratified by a combination of national and state constitutional conventions.
In its 5-4 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission (2010), the Supreme Court decided that corporate expenditures in elections constitute constitutionally protected “free speech.” By doing so, it overturned portions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) as well as decades-old campaign finance laws restricting election spending by corporations, unions, and other special interests. The ruling has also dramatically expanded a “corporate rights” doctrine that has distorted First Amendment jurisprudence by expanding constitutional rights to corporate entities that were never intended to enjoy the constitutional protections reserved for “We the People.”
The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) of 1974 was the first attempt at modern day campaign finance regulation for federal elections. The act established the Federal Elections Commission, the federal campaign finance enforcement agency, and capped or restricted political contributions and independent expenditures for individuals, corporations, and unions. Two years later, the Supreme Court struck down parts of FECA in Buckley v. Valeo (1976) deeming that laws capping independent expenditures for individuals are an abridgment of free speech. In Citizens United the Court applied the same logic to void provisions of FECA and BCRA restricting independent expenditures paid by corporate and union treasury funds.
An independent expenditure is: A political campaign “communication” (like an advertisement or commercial) thatexpressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate,but is not made in cooperation or consultation with the candidate, the candidate’s party, or the candidate’s political action committee (PAC).
In other words an independent expenditure is spending on behalf of a candidate.
A contribution is:
Any political spending at the specific request of a candidate, party, or action committee. In other words a contribution is given directly to a candidate or a candidate’s affiliates.
The District of Columbia Circuit Court of Appeals in Speechnow.org v. Federal Elections Commission (2010) applied the Citizens United decision to strike down limits on donations to PACs that make only independent expenditures. This ruling gave rise to what are now commonly known as SuperPACs, political action committees that only make independent expenditures. They can legally accept and spend unlimited donations from individuals, corporations, and unions.
Although they may not “coordinate” their activities with candidates’ campaigns, they are very often run by former staff members from the campaign that the SuperPAC is supporting. Political comedian Steven Colbert has shown how toothless this regulation is with the creation of the Colbert SuperPAC on his television show. Not surprisingly, SuperPACs have quickly established themselves as a major destination of political spending by corporations and the super-rich. SuperPACs are contributing to arms race of the ultra-wealthy and are drowning out the voice of everybody else.
The unprecedented special interest funds pumped into the 2010 elections revealed only the tip of the iceberg of campaign finance post-Citizens United. The 2012 election cycle is sure to break all spending records.
- Spending by SuperPACs and other outside groups was 427% higher in the 2010 election cycle than in the 2006 midterm elections. Spending by outside groups is expected to reach $1 billion in 2012.
- Outside spending makes a big difference. In 2010, they backed the winners in 80% of the congressional elections in which power changed hands.
- Funding for outside groups comes from a very small group of wealthy individuals and corporations. In 2012 the top 1% of donors to these groups will contribute roughly70% of the total.
- Overall spending in the 2012 election is predicted to reach new heights – more than $8 billion!
We were able to collect the signatures required to place the Democracy Amendment question on the ballot in 30 State Representative districts and 6 State Senate districts. This means that about one-third of Massachusetts voters have a chance to vote on the question in November. For a list of legislative districts and municipalities voting on it:http://www.DemocracyAmendmentMass.org.
Tell your friends, family, neighbors, and coworkers about the ballot question. Make sure they are registered to vote by Wednesday October 17 and vote “YES” on Tuesday November 6! Do you belong to an organization that might like to endorse the Democracy Amendment question? Would you like to host a house party or help put together a public forum to build support? Would you like to volunteer for the campaign or like more information? Visit www.DemocracyAmendmentMass.org, call us at (617) 426-9600, or email us at info@DemocracyAmendmentMass.org. Thank you!
(FROM US AT WETHEPEOPLE) In Needham, contact firstname.lastname@example.org and let us know you’d like to help spread the word locally!
 Suffolk University Poll. http://www.suffolk.edu/images/content/FINAL_Friday_TABLES_MA_Statewide_Feb_17_2012.pdf (Q31 & Q32)
 Nichols, John. Bernie Sanders (and 2 Million Angry Americans) Versus the Billionaires. The Nation. July 24, 2012.
Meyers, J. (14 April 2011). “2012 Election Price Tag: $8 Billion.” Newsmax.com. Retrieved 15 September, 2011
 Harry G. Henn & John R. Alexander, Law of Corporations, West Hornbook Series, 14-35 (3d ed. 1981).
 Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U.S. 518, 636 (1819).
 Clements, Jeff. Corporations Are Not People: Why they have more rights than you do and what you can do about it. January 9, 2012.
Clements, Ben. Why Americans Should Support the People’s Rights Amendment.February 13, 2012
Clements, Ben. Why Americans Should Support the People’s Rights Amendment.February 13, 2012
 Public Citizen. 12 Months After: The Effects of Citizens United on Elections and the Integrity of the Legislative Process. September 15, 2011
 Public Citizen. Outside Job. September, 2011
 2012 SuperPACs: How many donors give?. Center for Responsive Politics. http://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/donor_stats.php
 2012 Election Will Be Costliest Yet, With Outside Spending a Wild Card. Center for Responsive Politics. August 1, 2012.